The U.S. and Mexico are holding trade talks in Washington aimed at averting U.S. President Donald Trump’s threatened tariffs on all imports. Jackson Proskow reports.
President Trump is once again sailing in uncharted legal and constitutional waters.
His promise to punish Mexico with escalating tariffs unless it controls what he calls the “invasion” of migrants across the southern border is premised on a law that has never been used either as a tool of immigration policy or tariffs.
The International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) mentions neither.
The first foreign policy crisis of Narendra Modi’s second term as prime minister may be a war between two of India’s friends, America and Iran. As Indians cast and counted their ballots, American and Iranian leaders beat their drums:
(Reuters) - U.S. President Donald Trump’s proposal to impose sweeping tariffs on Mexican goods to push Mexico to stop migrants from entering the United States is likely to prompt legal challenges, but is probably on firm footing under federal law, some legal experts said on Friday.
Congress has for decades ceded its Constitutional authority to levy tariffs to the president, and courts generally defer to the White House in areas of national security.
A trade law expert from the University of Kansas has written a new text for students of the discipline. The fifth edition of International Trade Law: A Comprehensive Textbook has been released.
“It’s sort of grown up with the field of international trade law,” said author Raj Bhala, the Brennesein Distinguished Professor at the University of Kansas Law School and a Senior Advisor at Dentons. “When the first edition came out, NAFTA had just entered into force in 1994 and the World Trade Organization had just been born in 1995.”
There’s an important point that is being missed in the trade negotiations between the United States and China and ultimately it’s why an international trade law professor from the University of Kansas believes there will not be a deal between the two world powers at this week’s meeting.
To the rest of the world, the scale of India’s general election is pretty impressive. Less impressive is the respect not paid to what India’s trade policy ought to be under a new government, be it led by current Prime Minister, Narendra Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party, or opposition leader Rahul Gandhi of the Indian National Congress. Aside from what to do about Pakistan, foreign affairs matter not.
India’s National E-commerce Policy is in search of itself. The policy is designed to reincarnate India into the top class of the commercial universe in which goods, including digital products, and services are bought, sold, marketed, and distributed through an electronic network, and in which delivery and payment may be online. Yet, the policy is anything but a cogent, coherent vision to facilitate internet-based transactions in India or escalate India’s international comparative advantage as an electronic marketplace and data storage and processing center.
Multiple bills that have been introduced in Congress are looking to rebalance the trade authority that has been given to the President in the name of national security.
Will the United States start another trade war, and if so, what might be the ramifications for India and the world? The answers are ‘maybe’ and ‘three-fold’. On Feb. 17, 2019, the end of a 270-day investigation period dating back to May 2018, the United States Department of Commerce delivered to President Donald Trump its findings on whether imports of autos and auto parts threaten American national security under Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962, as amended. Now the President has 90 days to decide what to do.